If you asked politicians or capitalists who the richest man in the British Empire was, the answers would likely vary.
Some would name Queen Victoria.
Others might point to Prince Consort Killian, whose influence had been rising at a frightening pace.
The names of prominent aristocrats and famous financiers might also be mentioned.
But among them, one name appeared more often than any other.
The Baring family.
Since establishing their bank in 1762, they had expanded their wealth endlessly alongside the rise of the British Empire, becoming the greatest financial power in the country.
By the early nineteenth century, their annual income had already surpassed £200,000, and during the Napoleonic Wars they had earned hundreds of thousands of pounds in profit.
The rising Rothschild family was rapidly closing the gap, but people still considered the Barings far superior.
And for good reason.
Unlike the Rothschilds—seen by many merely as wealthy Jewish financiers—the Barings were deeply tied to British politics.
Using their immense wealth, they had secured seats in the House of Commons early on, and later even obtained positions in the House of Lords.
Through their connections with the government, they participated in numerous state projects.
Before the abolition of the slave trade, they had also earned vast profits from that industry.
On top of that, they had served as directors of the East India Company, which at the time virtually monopolized trade with Asia.
Eventually, they even held the position of chairman.
Their wealth and power had continued ever since.
Now the family's aging patriarch, Thomas Baring, had stepped back from daily affairs.
In practice, the family was led by his eldest son.
Francis Baring.
Having entered the House of Commons more than seventeen years earlier, he had held key positions within Whig administrations.
He did not operate openly at the front of Whig politics, but the party relied heavily on the enormous financial resources of the Baring family.
His influence was therefore anything but small.
He simply avoided excessive attention because the nature of the family business required discretion.
Yet in any organization, the person providing the money always possessed influence.
Whenever Francis Baring raised an issue at party meetings, even figures like William Gladstone, Lord Palmerston, or Lord John Russell avoided openly opposing him.
After all, when the Baring family prospered, the Whig Party benefited as well.
Today's meeting was no different.
"Our primary focus must be the next election," Gladstone said. "Fortunately Her Majesty did not dissolve Parliament this time, but we effectively have only two years left to prepare."
"Two years… Well, at least we are not facing an election immediately."
The recent political scandal had dealt the Whigs a severe blow.
Even in their traditional strongholds they faced intense criticism and had been forced to deliver repeated public apologies.
Their only consolation was that the Conservatives had also received significant criticism.
But elections were simple.
All that mattered was winning one vote more than the opponent.
And there was no denying the Whigs had suffered greater damage.
If an election had been held that year, the result might have been catastrophic.
Studying reports gathered from across the country, Gladstone sighed deeply.
"These are only preliminary surveys, but if an election were held now we would be fortunate to secure even 150 seats. Over the next two years we must do everything possible to repair our public image. And… we should seriously consider changing the party's name."
"…Abandon the name Whig?"
"Yes. If we want the public to believe we are renewing ourselves, the most effective method is to change the party's name. Look at the Conservatives—they reclaimed power almost immediately after rebranding. Once a name becomes associated with outdated ideas, changing it becomes necessary."
"Do you have a name in mind?"
"Since the government calls itself the Conservative Party, perhaps we should adopt the name Liberal Party. It is more direct, and it suggests we will challenge the shortcomings of the government."
The concept of liberty had been gaining attention in recent years.
And that trend would likely continue.
No one raised objections.
The Whig Party decided that beginning the following year it would abandon the name "Whig" and relaunch itself as the Liberal Party.
"But Mr. Gladstone," someone asked, "changing the party's name will require a major publicity campaign. That will require a great deal of funding."
"Well… perhaps Baring Bank could provide a loan for the immediate expenses."
In the past, whenever such situations arose, Baring Bank had always lent money to the party at extremely favorable interest rates.
All eyes turned to Francis Baring.
Until now he had listened quietly.
At last he spoke.
"I would like to assist," he said carefully, "but providing a large sum may be difficult at the moment. Recently our cash flow has not been particularly favorable."
"The great Baring Bank is experiencing difficulties? Surely the economy cannot be that bad?"
"No, the economy itself is not the problem. However, we have extended considerable loans to the East India Company, and those funds have yet to be properly recovered."
"Ah… the East India Company. I heard profits have been declining recently, but I did not realize the situation was that serious."
During the eighteenth century, Baring Bank had essentially attached itself to the East India Company and drawn enormous wealth from it.
But the company had since lost its monopoly on Asian trade.
And the opium trade in China, once enormously profitable, had been badly damaged.
Meanwhile, the company's standing army—needed to suppress rebellions across its territories—continued to expand rather than shrink.
Deficits were inevitable.
Receiving interest payments was one thing.
But there was growing concern that the principal might never be repaid.
"Who is the current governor of the East India Company?" someone asked.
"Viscount Goderich."
"Ah… a Conservative. If he were one of ours, we could pressure him more aggressively to reduce the deficits."
Goderich had once served briefly as Prime Minister before the Duke of Wellington, though his term lasted barely one hundred days.
Even now, though removed from the center of politics, he was not someone the Whigs could easily command.
"Still, Parliament could place greater pressure on the company," another member suggested. "After all, India is one of the most important colonies of the British Empire. Even the Conservatives would likely agree."
"In that case," Baring said, "perhaps Mr. Gladstone and Lord Palmerston could persuade the Conservatives. If the East India Company begins repaying its loans smoothly, I will of course support the party's campaign generously."
"Understood. We will handle it."
After all, stabilizing the East India Company was not merely about protecting Baring Bank.
It was essential to Britain's national interests.
And such efforts would be welcomed by the public.
"Oh, that reminds me," someone added. "Mr. Baring, have you spoken with the Prince Consort yet?"
"The Prince Consort? I have not met him privately."
"I recommend that you do. In my personal opinion, his influence in Asia will only continue to grow."
Killian's formal responsibilities focused mainly on East Asia rather than India.
But India was still part of Asia.
And the royal family was now leading the expansion of the telegraph network.
Sooner or later, the Prince Consort would inevitably become involved in Indian affairs.
Francis Baring nodded thoughtfully.
If India was to recover, trade with Northeast Asia would need to be restored.
Perhaps he should have spoken with the Prince Consort sooner.
Still—
There was a reason he had avoided doing so until now.
Rumors claimed that Killian had summoned members of the Rothschild family to Buckingham Palace several times.
Of course, the Rothschilds were wealthy financiers.
But if Killian intended to use them to challenge Baring influence, the situation could become troublesome.
Even so, avoidance could not continue forever.
If Asia's markets were to stabilize, he needed to understand the Prince Consort's intentions.
Francis Baring decided to use this opportunity.
If there was one group in the world that could never truly be trusted, it was swindlers.
As someone who had once been a successful swindler in my previous life, I could guarantee that.
In this era, bankers were not exactly swindlers.
But they were often treated as something close.
In truth, many financial fraud techniques originated from banks themselves.
And given the weak legal systems of the nineteenth century, banks could easily become scams if they wished.
In that sense, a massive institution like Baring Bank, backed by the prestige of British nobility, possessed a unique aura of stability.
That was precisely why the Rothschilds had not yet surpassed them.
When I summoned Rothschild, he arrived trembling.
But the head of Baring Bank could request a meeting with me directly through Gladstone.
That was the power of status and influence.
"We may have exchanged greetings in Parliament," I said, "but this is our first private meeting. Welcome."
"I did not expect Your Highness to grant my request so quickly. Thank you."
"Not at all. Despite recent events, I personally maintain a good relationship with Mr. Gladstone. Since the request came through him, I would naturally make time."
The heir to one of the largest fortunes in Britain sat before me with visible tension.
If he truly had nothing to gain, he would not behave like that.
Which meant he wanted something.
Given the Baring family's current circumstances, the answer was obvious.
"The reason I came to see Your Highness is—"
"Something related to India, I presume."
"Y-Yes. How did you know?"
"What other reason could there be? In fact, I have been closely observing the situation in India myself. I was planning to contact Baring Bank soon anyway."
"I see…"
Baring was likely worried that I might intervene directly in the East India Company.
Naturally, he would not show that concern openly.
Which meant I needed to reassure him first.
That was precisely why I had invited the Rothschilds to Buckingham Palace so openly.
"I assume you know that I am currently focusing on building a telegraph network across the British Empire."
"Yes, it is widely known."
"My top priority is connecting Britain and India. India is the center of the Empire's colonial economy. But as you can imagine, the cost of laying submarine cables is enormous. And meanwhile the navy and army are constantly pressuring me, each insisting they must receive the technology first."
"I see… that must be difficult."
"Exactly. So I have been contacting major banks about possible investments. Recently I even approached the Rothschilds, and fortunately they responded positively."
At the mention of the Rothschilds, I noticed Baring's eyes flicker ever so slightly.
He had not expected that name to appear so suddenly.
"Would Your Highness also be willing to invite Baring Bank to invest?"
"Of course. With your support, real-time communication across the British Empire could arrive much sooner."
"In that case, we would be honored to participate."
"Excellent. Now then—perhaps you could tell me the real reason for your visit. What difficulties are you facing in India?"
Having quickly understood why I had invited the Rothschilds, Francis Baring visibly relaxed and spoke honestly about his concerns regarding the East India Company.
"I see," I said thoughtfully. "Yes, that would certainly be troubling. Since this concerns Asia, I will personally discuss the matter with the Prime Minister."
"Truly?"
"Of course. India forms one pillar of the British economy. If trade there becomes blocked, how can merchants and financiers conduct their business with confidence? Leave it to me."
At my firm assurance, Baring's expression brightened.
Good.
Now I had another perfect justification for pressing Parliament.
I was not intervening on my own initiative.
No.
I was simply responding to the heartfelt pleas of honest bankers suffering from the East India Company's declining performance.
I was already busy expanding the telegraph network.
But when such people came asking for help—
What else could I do?
I had no choice.
I would simply have to ask Parliament.