A complete success.
After the telegraph system was unveiled, explosive interest followed, and everyone praised my foresight and achievement.
Even if, in the original timeline, it would have appeared two or three years later, accelerating its adoption and turning it into a functioning network was another matter entirely.
Most importantly, since it was a project endorsed and actively promoted by the royal family, investors came flocking with bags of money.
In an instant, Britain's telegraph industry was booming.
The military response was even better.
Armies were usually cautious about unproven new technology.
But this time was an exception.
The Royal Navy insisted that it must be the first military force in the world to adopt the telegraph system.
They even pressured Admiral William Parker, who had escorted me to Japan and developed a close relationship with me, urging him to secure government support.
In fact, Parker had originally planned to retire that very year.
Instead, he was practically forced to remain in his position for several more years.
"Your Highness," Parker said earnestly, "as you mentioned during the demonstration, the military's desire for real-time communication grows stronger by the day. As you yourself have often said, Britain's national power rests upon the strength of its navy. Could we not at least prioritize telegraph connections between the major naval bases so we can begin adapting to this technology?"
"I would like to," I replied, "but the royal family cannot unilaterally install telegraph systems within the military. That requires cooperation with the government."
"Then I will testify before Parliament!"
Honestly, it was unnecessary.
Military facilities would naturally receive telegraph connections first anyway.
But from my perspective, trying to orchestrate revolutionary changes in multiple fields at once—
It was a bit annoying.
However, the very next day, I finally understood why Parker had been so desperate.
"Your Highness! Granting such preferential treatment to the navy is outrageous! If anyone should use real-time communication first, it should be the Army!"
The speaker was Field Marshal Hugh Gough, Viscount Gough, commander of British forces in India.
He had returned briefly to Britain.
The moment he heard about the telegraph system, he rushed to see me.
One of the most powerful figures in the British Army, Gough stood beside the telegraph apparatus with near religious fervor.
"The place where real-time communication is needed most is the Indian garrison! When orders are issued from London, they take months to reach India! And when urgent messages are sent back, by the time instructions return the situation has already changed. Yet commanders are reprimanded for acting on their own judgment. Our officers' morale is suffering. Please understand the army's situation!"
"Marshal, please calm down," I said. "I understand perfectly. After all, I have traveled back and forth across Asia several times myself."
"Exactly! That is why I believed Your Highness would understand our situation better than anyone!"
"Well… while the royal family is currently installing telegraph networks across Britain and Canada, incorporating the military still requires government approval. As you know, I am forbidden from interfering in domestic politics, so it may take some time."
"Then let me testify before Parliament! I will personally explain the urgency of the matter to the Prime Minister! Compared to the relatively autonomous navy, the army deserves to benefit from this new system first!"
Now I understood.
The issue wasn't the telegraph network itself.
That would be built anyway.
What mattered was who received it first.
The navy or the army.
A matter of pride.
The Royal Navy believed itself the foundation of the British Empire.
The army, meanwhile, had long resented the navy for receiving greater national support.
So the army wanted the symbolic victory of adopting the new technology first.
And the navy, naturally, would react furiously.
Exhausting people.
"Why not simply choose a date," I suggested, "and have both services send telegraphs simultaneously?"
"If we did that," Gough replied immediately, "those seal-worshipping navy men would certainly break the agreement and send theirs first."
As if the army wouldn't do exactly the same.
Either side would absolutely attempt to claim the title of the first military force in the world to use real-time telegraph communication.
"Then the government should set the official time," I said. "Since it will be the historic first message, both the army and navy could send it simultaneously—to Her Majesty. Surely they wouldn't dare break the schedule if the recipient is the Queen herself."
"Well… if the message is addressed to Her Majesty…"
"But Your Highness," Gough continued earnestly, "this is not merely about competing with the navy. You know there was a major battle in India recently. Remnants of the Maratha Empire are still raising armies. We defeated them this time, but another uprising could happen at any moment."
"Is the situation in India truly that unstable?"
"Not an immediate crisis. But far from stable. For the sake of army morale, we must be allowed to use the telegraph before the navy."
I remembered hearing something about unrest in India while I had been in Japan.
A Maratha force of nearly sixty thousand had risen, and Gough had defeated them.
But Gough wasn't exaggerating.
From what I knew, India would continue experiencing rebellions.
Until eventually—
Everything would culminate in the Sepoy Rebellion.
I had already begun thinking about what to do with India.
Perhaps this could become an opportunity.
"Marshal," I said slowly, "the more I think about it, the more your argument makes sense."
"R-Really? I knew Your Highness would understand! This will greatly improve army morale—"
"However, if the army is to receive priority over the navy, we will need a proper justification. As you know, the symbolic importance of the Royal Navy in Britain goes beyond merely being a branch of the military."
"…That is true," Gough admitted reluctantly.
Even a proud field marshal had to acknowledge that reality.
Britain abandoning the navy in favor of the army was almost unthinkable.
It would take a figure like the Duke of Wellington, victor over Napoleon, to justify such a decision.
"However," I continued, "if a legitimate reason emerged requiring urgent support for the army, the situation might change. In that case, it would not be difficult for me to raise the matter discreetly with Prime Minister Wellesley."
"Oh! If that is the case, we will cooperate fully!"
The enthusiasm in Gough's voice was unmistakable.
Improving army morale and gaining a chance to mock the navy—
He would support anything.
And like most people, he never imagined the Prince Consort of Britain might be plotting something.
Which was understandable.
Everything I was doing was for the Empire's future.
"During my recent visit to Asia," I said casually, "I heard quite a few troubling reports about the East India Company."
Naturally, as commander of British forces in India, Gough was closely tied to the company.
The East India Company was not merely a private enterprise.
It functioned almost like a state, managing military, administrative, and governing powers.
"Ah… the East India Company," Gough replied carefully. "Were there many complaints?"
"Something like that."
But a professional soldier like Gough could hardly maintain perfect relations with the company.
They cooperated in many areas.
But the company maintained its own private armies.
Disagreements were inevitable.
If they always agreed—
It would mean the company had become nothing more than Gough's servant.
Naturally, that wasn't the case.
So he took the bait.
Persuading non-politicians was always easier.
They couldn't hide their emotions.
You could see immediately what they wanted.
And what angered them.
"I heard the company has been exploiting the local population excessively," I said. "And excluding them from politics and administration entirely. Excessive oppression inevitably breeds rebellion. Which in turn increases the army's burden."
"That has always been my complaint," Gough said bitterly. "Many conflicts escalate into wars that could have been avoided. But as a soldier, it would be overstepping my authority to tell politicians how to govern."
"You must have endured great frustration. After all, it is you and your soldiers who bleed and die."
"Your Highness understands. That alone is a relief."
His eyes still burned with anger.
The last war had ended less than a year ago.
Good.
That meant he could become the perfect witness against the East India Company's disastrous governance.
"Marshal," I said quietly, "how about this? I have a proposal that will benefit Britain, the Indian army, and yourself."
Technically I had promised not to interfere in domestic politics.
But India was a colony.
Surely no one would complain if I intervened there.
If Britain was to progress further—
The incompetent parasites ruining India needed to be removed as quickly as possible.
A few days after Gough left Buckingham Palace—
Nathan Rothschild arrived in response to my summons.
"Have some milk tea."
"Thank you."
Although they had known each other for some time now, Rothschild still felt uneasy around Killian.
Of course, anyone would feel pressure speaking with the Prince Consort.
But beyond the title—
There was something about Killian himself.
It was impossible to read his intentions.
Conversations with him drained mental energy.
"How is the preparation in India progressing?"
"It is complete. We have established five shell companies with falsified accounting records. We have also contacted local opium suppliers and shipping contractors."
At first Rothschild had wondered how Killian intended to destroy a giant organization like the East India Company.
But the scale of the plan was astonishing.
Killian intended to dismantle the entire company.
"Your Highness… even if the plan succeeds, resistance in India could be severe. Are you certain it will be manageable?"
"Resistance? Do you mean the company's private armies might stage some kind of demonstration?"
"It's unlikely. But people cornered like that can behave unpredictably. The company has always relied on the long communication delay between India and Britain to handle matters however it wishes."
"Don't worry," I said calmly. "They won't have that excuse anymore. Honestly, if they attempted a show of force, it would only help us."
Rothschild found it fascinating.
He had spent his life in finance and seen countless types of people.
Including professional swindlers.
But never anyone who intended to bankrupt a massive organization like the East India Company in such a manner.
If it had been a hardened financier, perhaps it would make sense.
But Killian was one of the most powerful figures in the British Empire.
How had he devised such a plan?
"When the East India Company is gone," I said casually, "your house will replace the Baring family in influence. That should be sufficient reward for assisting me. Unless you desire something more?"
"No, Your Highness. That is more than enough."
"Good. Then everything is prepared. There is no reason to delay."
"Proceed."
So it begins.
At first Rothschild had felt uneasy about the plan.
Now he found himself eager to see the result with his own eyes.
To a man who lived among money—
Killian seemed like the incarnation of endless wealth.
If India was the first step—
Where would come next?
With the same excitement he had felt when closing his first major financial deal, Rothschild bowed deeply.
The road toward a Golden Empire had begun to reveal itself.