Chapter 500: The German Ambassador
First Town, capital of East Africa—riding the momentum of the East Africa–Portugal War, Germany took the opportunity to officially dispatch diplomats to set up a permanent mission in the city.
After more than a decade of development, First Town was no longer the modest settlement it had once been. It had become a graceful, civilized, and prosperous modern city.
Combining classical European architectural styles with the conveniences of modern urban planning, its appearance was hardly distinguishable from cities in Europe. The benefits of the industrial revolution were evident everywhere. Ernst was not a man content with mediocrity, and he had paid meticulous attention to the city's design.
Walking through the streets of First Town, Ambassador Klein was filled with awe. He felt that his previous understanding of African countries had been turned upside down.
"Sigh… I didn't expect East Africa to be this advanced. Judging by the layout and population density, it might even be more prosperous than Stuttgart! And if you include Dar es Salaam and Mombasa, the difference from Germany isn't all that significant."
Von der Leyen cast a suspicious glance at Germany's ambassador to East Africa, Klein. He felt there was more behind Klein's words than flattery.
"Heh, Ambassador Klein, you must be joking. How could East Africa possibly compare to Germany? At best, East Africa's coastal regions are well-developed. Most of its cities are newly built, which is why they look modern. Their population is concentrated thanks to good transport links. But having more people doesn't mean much—and Germany has a much larger population. The gap between East Africa and Germany is still quite large in many areas."
Klein didn't entirely agree. He had recently toured Dar es Salaam and Soga, not far from First Town. From the city's northern canal, he could even spot ships sailing toward Bagamoyo. East African cities, he realized, were developing in clusters—reminding him of Germany's Ruhr region.
Of course, East Africa's cities couldn't truly compare to the Ruhr, which had dozens of towns and a deeply entrenched industrial base.
East Africa's urban growth was driven more by policy support and infrastructure than by raw economic output. First Town and Soga had been propped up by state initiatives, while Bagamoyo and Dar es Salaam were strategically valuable coastal ports.
In fact, Dar es Salaam had effectively become two cities under East African planning—north and south. The north, based on the original city, focused on commerce and services. The south was dedicated to industry and manufacturing. Including First Town, there were five cities forming a tight economic zone, plus the offshore island of Zanzibar.
The biggest weakness of East Africa's coastal region was its lack of natural resources. However, convenient maritime trade offset this drawback. Goods from the interior flowed into these cities, giving them healthy development prospects.
"You're being too modest, Herr von der Leyen. Considering East Africa's late start, I think this level of development is already impressive. Some smaller European nations might not even compare," Klein said.
He couldn't help but think—how great it would have been if Germany had prioritized colonizing this region. But back then, Germany hadn't even unified, let alone had time for overseas colonization. Austria had the means but was too entangled with Prussia. Only the House of Hechingen had had the foresight to recognize East Africa's potential. At least East Africa was Germanic—better it go to them than to Britain or France.
Unified Germany had only recently begun to appreciate the importance of colonies. This was largely due to shifting global dynamics. Other major powers were stirring up conflicts worldwide, while Germany stayed isolated in Europe.
But Germany's rapid industrial growth had made it far stronger, and increasingly dissatisfied with the existing world order. Still, Chancellor Bismarck was a man of restraint—something Ernst greatly admired.
Germany today was a bit like the Far Eastern Empire in Ernst's previous life: outwardly rising, but burdened with deep-seated issues.
Germany's main challenge lay in geography. Surrounded by France and Russia, both top-tier powers, it had no room to maneuver. The Far Eastern Empire, on the other hand, had struggled because the U.S. controlled global energy and mineral resources. If it had resolved those issues, it wouldn't have feared American sanctions.
Today, global hegemony belonged to Britain—but even that dominance was limited. Russia and France were powerful enough to challenge it. Germany and Austria-Hungary lagged slightly behind, but Germany's industry was surging, and Austria-Hungary still had some legacy strength. Spain, half-dead, managed to maintain the appearance of a great power. Meanwhile, the U.S., East Africa, the Far Eastern Empire, and the Ottomans survived through sheer scale.
The East Africa–Portugal War effectively established East Africa's position in international politics. Portugal wasn't powerful, but none of the countries ahead of it were weak either.
That's why Klein said, "In the future, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and East Africa will represent the Germanic world's influence on the global stage. Germany is the strongest, Austria-Hungary is respectable, and East Africa has great potential. Together, we can reshape the global balance of power."
Von der Leyen, however, poured cold water on the idea: "I'd love to see that day come, but it's not happening anytime soon. Without at least twenty or thirty years, the global order won't shift. Britain alone has us all under pressure. Unless it completely collapses, this is just wishful thinking."
His words sobered Klein. Britain really was an insurmountable mountain at this stage—at its peak, stronger than ever.
Klein admitted, "You're right. Britain dominates the seas, and no one can challenge its position. All we can do is build strength and wait for Britain to stumble."
Von der Leyen added, "It's not just Britain. For Germany, there's also France and Russia. None of them want to see us rise."
He didn't say it aloud, but he might've included Austria-Hungary as well. A powerful Germany wouldn't sit well with some factions within the empire. Historically, Austria had clashed with Prussia over leadership in the German world. Now that Austria had lost, it had no reason to challenge Prussia again—but Hungary had become its own internal problem.
Klein and von der Leyen continued chatting at length, but the core idea was clear: the concept of a German-Austrian-East African alliance.
Klein believed East Africa was strong enough to join Germany's side. But East Africa wasn't buying it. It hadn't yet digested its internal gains and didn't care much for international affairs.
If East Africa simply continued stable development for another two or three decades, it could solidify its status as a world power. Dabbling in international disputes offered no advantage at this stage.
So East Africa didn't have a clear foreign alignment. Despite Britain's hostility, as long as war wasn't declared, East Africa had no intention of engaging. And even if war came, East Africa wasn't afraid.
In this sense, East Africa was quite like the U.S.—largely uninterested in foreign affairs. Of course, the U.S. had greater ambitions, especially its control and influence over the Americas.
East Africa did have its eyes on the Indian Ocean, but Ernst had only made moves in the Lanfang Republic. He hadn't issued any Monroe Doctrine-like declarations. For now, East Africa played it safe.
Its vast territory—over ten million square kilometers—was acquired naturally as its power grew. It all came down to strength. So long as East Africa focused on enhancing its power, it could shape the global future on its own terms.
Ernst believed Bismarck thought the same way. The problem was that Wilhelm II had none of Bismarck's patience.
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