Chapter 214: Military Picnic
Just as the world's attention focused on Italy, the rapid war that the Italian High Command had mockingly called a "military picnic" suddenly suffered a crushing defeat.
The military success of annexing Albania in a single month had given Mussolini tremendous confidence. In his view, Greece, which lacked strategic depth, would face the same fate as Albania. A few strong pushes, a few proud declarations, and the banner of the New Roman Empire would fly over another conquered land.
But history had always enjoyed repeating itself in mocking ways.
Mussolini, waving the banner of a New Roman Empire, encountered an unexpected defeat at Greek hands, just as Rome had once suffered humiliation during the Roman-Macedonian Wars at Callicinus.
Almost at the same time Bulgaria announced its willingness to intervene in Greece, Italy formally launched the Battle of the Pindus Mountains with four infantry divisions, one armored division, and one mountain division as the core of its force.
The muddy roads and rugged mountain terrain severely limited the Italian Fourth Armored Division, which had performed well in Albania, gained experience in the Spanish Civil War, and was equipped with L3/35 light tanks.
Without a reliable armored spearhead, the four infantry divisions seemed to forget how war was supposed to be fought.
From soldiers to officers, it was as if they had all stuffed their heads with foolish pasta. The Italian commanders completely failed to learn from Germany's air-ground combat experience in Spain and Poland.
This meant that although Italy possessed military airfields in Albania, not a single bomber carried out effective close support bombing.
It did not look like a war.
It looked more like a parade showing off their civilized Mediterranean style.
Tactical arrogance, combined with fear that Germany might soon enter the war, meant that the four infantry divisions completely failed to display the combat effectiveness they should have possessed.
Only the Julia Alpine Division achieved some progress, capturing Vovousa, a key city in the Pindus Mountains.
But that victory was merely a drop in the bucket.
After King George II of Greece flew to Berlin to meet Jörg and received a definite answer, the Greek Army, now supplied with sufficient resources, began its counterattack.
On November 4th, Vovousa was recaptured by the Greek Second Cavalry Division. Pesca, who was responsible for the Greek campaign, urgently tried to redeploy the infantry division that had been sent toward Corfu to provide support.
But it was already too late.
The highly confident Greek Second Cavalry Division, working together with two infantry divisions, broke through the Italian lines, encircled the Julia Alpine Division, and simultaneously cleared the Italian Army along the entire front.
Mussolini was so furious that he cursed War Minister Pesca as an idiot.
Not only had Italy failed to capture the core areas of Greece, but by transferring troops away from the operation against Corfu, they had failed to take Corfu as well.
Overnight, former War Minister General Ubaldo Soddu was appointed as the overall commander of the war.
But when Ubaldo attempted to continue the campaign with air-ground bombing tactics, the weather gave the proud Italians a harsh punishment.
Continuous heavy rain prevented bombers from taking off, and instead created the perfect opportunity for the Italian defensive line to collapse.
After weighing the risks and opportunities, the Greek Army boldly deployed the Second Cavalry Division, which had limited logistical supplies but extremely high morale, to launch a surprise attack on Konitsa, the main base of Italian front-line operations.
The results were outstanding.
The bewildered Italian Army collapsed completely.
Because their withdrawal had been delayed, four divisions were encircled by the Greek Army. Italy left behind a "splendid" military record, one division completely annihilated before retreating from Greece.
The Italian Fourth Armored Division also withdrew from Greece after abandoning more than twenty tanks.
After half a month of fighting, Italy was now facing a strategic counterattack from Greece.
If the German Army had intervened in this war, Italy's defeat might not have been so ugly. After all, Germany had already created the myth of reaching Warsaw in two weeks.
But in this operation, the Greek Army had received very little direct help from Germany.
Aside from the main attacking Second Cavalry Division being fully equipped with German arms, most Greek divisions were still using old relics from the Great War. Some of their howitzers were Czech products from more than a decade earlier, and no one could even say for certain whether replacement parts could still be obtained.
This was a country whose military capability would have been considered weak even during the Great War.
Yet standing on the shoulders of the Italians, they delivered a resounding slap across the face of Mussolini, the man who claimed Italy's military power ranked among the top three in Europe.
Italy's military defeat further destabilized the Balkans.
Yugoslavia's already antagonistic ethnic conflicts created enormous internal divisions over whether the country should side with Germany or Italy.
Slovenia, which directly bordered Austria, had the strongest desire for independence.
The Slovenes feared that if Germany began a war, their homeland would be bombed into ruins. After that, Croatia and Serbia might hastily surrender in order to preserve their own development and political achievements.
If that was the case, then it would be better to align with Germany from the beginning and become a supporter of the re-formed Austria-Hungary.
Even if they became an auxiliary nation of Germany and had to endure a certain degree of discrimination, at least they would possess German passports and would not be forced to bear the bitter consequences of being a defeated nation.
Hungary, on the other hand, had no choice.
It could only believe that Italy would eventually draw France into the war.
Meanwhile, in Paris, a luxury car stopped smoothly outside the Élysée Palace.
Mussolini opened the door and stepped out. Under the guidance of an attendant, he entered the waiting room beside a conference chamber where a heated discussion was taking place.
At the main seat sat Daladier, who had become President of France.
Beside him were Marshal Pétain, Maxim Weygand, who had recently retired but was willing to return to duty because of the volatile situation, and Paul Reynaud, who now served as Prime Minister.
Seated against the wall were military representatives, among whom De Gaulle, favored by Paul Reynaud, had gained a rare opportunity to appear before the highest levels of power.
They represented the hawkish faction, those who advocated intervention against Germany.
Across from them sat the dovish faction led by Kénéral, the French moderate.
"I believe the fundamental conflict between France and Germany exists because we have listed Germany as a potential enemy," Kénéral said. "Building fortresses and defensive lines along the border not only wastes economic resources, but also increases German suspicion toward us."
His tone was steady.
"I believe we should abandon resistance against Germany, establish a direct military alliance with Germany, and counterattack Britain."
Paul Reynaud immediately retorted, "We should take the offensive. We cannot allow Germany to continue expanding unchecked. This will weaken our international influence."
As soon as he finished speaking, Kénéral countered coldly, "So we should send the Army to help Mussolini invade Greece? We should make French soldiers fight an unjust war?"
"This is an excellent opportunity to intervene in the Balkans," Reynaud replied. "If we wait until Germany opens a route through Hungary and completely establishes military access, then we will lose the possibility of opening a second front."
His voice grew sharper.
"Attacking Greece is unjust, yes. But it is also necessary. As long as the Balkans are thrown into chaos, the Germans will be forced to commit heavy troops to maintain stability in their backyard. At the same time, we can organize a front-line offensive against the German border."
He pressed his hand on the table.
"That will stretch Germany thin."
Paul Reynaud wanted to continue, but Daladier raised his hand and stopped him.
"I have received definite feedback from Britain."
The room fell silent.
"If war breaks out, they will support us wholeheartedly, and the British Navy can control the Mediterranean Sea."
Daladier's gaze swept across the room.
"As long as the Army occupies Greece and paralyzes Bulgaria's roads, Germany will simultaneously lose both sea and land access to oil supplies. The German Army in the Middle East will also lose its material support and become an isolated island."
His expression hardened.
"My opinion is intervention."
He paused.
"This is one of our few remaining opportunities."
.....
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