Chapter 121: Arrogance
Meanwhile, in Locarno, Switzerland, the atmosphere at the conference was nothing like the relaxed warmth of the Netherlands. Here, every smile was measured, every courtesy sharpened by calculation, and every sentence seemed one degree away from becoming an argument.
The man leading the German delegation this time was not Jörg, but Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann.
He did not agree with every one of Jörg's diplomatic methods. Some of them were too bold, too dangerous, too willing to gamble with the fragile balance of Europe. Yet after the success of the Soviet Russian negotiations, even Stresemann had been forced to admit that many of Jörg's judgments had been right.
Age, illness, and the fatigue of surgery had all begun to weigh more heavily on him in recent months. More and more, he found himself no longer able to personally handle every diplomatic struggle as he once had. So, little by little, he had begun delegating real authority to Jörg and Lia, while he himself remained the public face, the respectable symbol seated at the front of the table.
This time, too, the original plan had been for Lia to lead the delegation.
But the matter had been politically delicate. Women's suffrage had only recently been secured, and even that victory was not yet firmly rooted. If Lia, a woman, had openly led Germany's delegation at such an important international conference, the newspapers would have torn into the Foreign Office before the opening session was even over.
So Stresemann had dragged his postoperative body all the way to Switzerland.
By now, the conference, or rather the grand shouting match disguised as a conference, was less than three days from its conclusion. After days of wrangling, bargaining, delay, and insult, the first faint outline of a result was finally beginning to emerge.
"Order, please. Fraulein Lia, representative of Germany, you may speak."
At the German table, Lia rose and unfolded the manuscript prepared in advance.
Her voice was calm, clear, and firm.
"Gentlemen, since Poland insists that the eastern frontier cannot be restored to its prewar line, the German delegation is prepared to take one step back. Danzig may remain under the armed supervision of the League of Nations, but its status must be changed. It must cease to be a Free City and become a German city."
She lifted her eyes from the document.
"That is our bottom line."
Across the hall, the Polish representative, Rez K. Kohl, nearly laughed himself out of his seat.
In his eyes, Germany was no more than an old dog with broken legs. Without American backing, it would not even dare bark. Poland, by contrast, possessed a standing army of hundreds of thousands, one of the strongest military establishments in Europe.
What did Germany have?
A hundred thousand men limited by treaty, a toy army fit for parade grounds and picnics.
If Britain and France had not still been obsessed with preserving a quiet Europe, he thought, then the moment this absurd woman had dared to present such a demand, Polish troops should already have been marching west, all the way to Berlin, flattening every boulevard they crossed in repayment for the years of humiliation.
"Bottom line?" Kohl threw back his head and laughed. "My apologies. I merely thought of something amusing."
He leaned back in his chair, eyes full of open contempt.
"Poland will not accept such an absurd demand. It is already generosity enough that we do not station troops in Berlin, a defeated country. And now Germany dares to speak of recovering territory?"
He tapped the table with one finger.
"Tell me, am I half asleep, or did your glorious Emperor Wilhelm somehow win the war? This is ridiculous."
Lia did not so much as blink.
"Herr Kohl, mind your tone. The question of Danzig is not for Poland alone to decide. It is an issue before the League of Nations."
She turned slightly.
"Sir Fachland, may we hear France's position?"
Austin had clearly prepared the ground in advance. Though the French representative was far from pleased at the thought of Germany entering the League of Nations, France still needed Germany solvent, stable, and capable of paying reparations.
France could not openly obstruct everything.
Fachland adjusted his cuffs and gave the answer with practiced restraint.
"France has no objection."
Once Britain and France had both nodded, the smaller states followed one after another, each unwilling to isolate himself by standing alone against the major powers.
"We have no objection."
"No objection."
"The same from our delegation."
That chorus only made Kohl more furious.
He slammed his pen onto the table and said coldly, "Then I object. If Weimar wants Danzig back, there is only one way. Exchange all of East Prussia for it."
Although anger flashed across Lia's face, she was too disciplined to lose control. She knew where Germany's greatest leverage truly lay, and without hesitation she brought the absent but dominant power in Europe into the room.
"In that case, there is nothing further to discuss," she said. "Danzig is a consistent national demand of the German people. If that cannot be resolved, then the difference between economic chaos and national chaos is merely a matter of outward appearance."
Austin's expression changed almost at once.
He had just helped stabilize Germany's economy. British finance, American credit, reparations, and the entire European recovery were all tied to German stability. If Germany walked away and the conference collapsed, then everything Britain had been trying to build could begin to unravel.
He rose from his chair, crossed the room, and quietly drew Kohl aside into an adjoining chamber.
The moment the door shut, his tone changed.
"Herr Kohl, I strongly advise that you accept Germany's demand. This matter is essential to European stability. And let us be frank, agreeing on paper does not mean surrendering the city tomorrow."
He stepped closer, lowering his voice.
"You may delay the return for one reason or another. If it is returned at once, that is return. If it is returned in two years, that is also return. If it is returned in ten years, it is still return. Danzig is not connected directly to Germany. Berlin can threaten, protest, complain, even celebrate symbolically, but in practice it has no immediate way to enforce the matter."
He spread his hands.
"What Germany needs, above all, is a gesture to show its public. Give them that gesture. The rest can be managed."
Then he added, with deliberate scorn, "And do you truly believe Germany can defeat Poland in open war under present conditions?"
Kohl's jaw tightened.
He had come expecting argument, not instruction. And he disliked even more the implication that Poland was merely a piece on a British board.
"The Polish government," he said icily, "has no intention of displaying concession to its own people. Not even symbolic concession. Britain may indulge Germany, but we do not intend to gift them a victory in the newspapers."
He held Austin's gaze.
"You ask us to tolerate Germany joining the League of Nations. Very well, we tolerated it. But now you ask us to hand over Danzig as well. Why?"
Austin could already hear the real question beneath the words.
What compensation?
So he gave it.
"Because in exchange," he said, "I am prepared to support the creation of a British Polish French military understanding. A defensive arrangement."
Kohl's eyes narrowed slightly.
Austin continued at once.
"With respect, Poland's military strength is real, but Soviet Russia's landmass gives it nearly limitless room to develop. Today you may be strong. Tomorrow that may not be enough. If we secure such an arrangement, Poland will not have to face the eastern threat alone."
He let the promise settle before delivering the last line.
"When the Soviet claws come out, Britain and France will stand with Poland on the front line."
That finally gave Kohl pause.
He did not fully believe the danger Austin described. In his view, diplomacy could still manage Soviet Russia, and the eastern threat was uncertain. But the value of pulling Britain and France more firmly onto Poland's side was undeniable.
He remained silent for a long time before answering.
"The Soviet threat may come, or it may not. Diplomacy, after all, is never fixed." He looked Austin squarely in the face. "Still, Poland can give Britain this face."
Then his voice hardened again.
"But understand this. When Allied forces withdraw from Danzig, Polish forces must simultaneously move in. We will make only a nominal concession. Nothing more."
Austin weighed it.
In practical terms, the arrangement was messy, dangerous, and full of future trouble. In political terms, however, it achieved his mission. Germany could be satisfied on paper. Poland could be pacified with guarantees. Britain could present itself as the architect of European stability.
That was enough.
"Agreed," Austin said.
He extended his hand.
Kohl looked at it for a moment, then clasped it.
"Agreed."
Austin knew very well there were hidden dangers buried beneath the compromise. He saw them. He simply chose not to examine them too closely.
His government had given him a clear objective: secure the convention, preserve stability on the continent, strengthen the conditions for the pound's return to gold, and reinforce British influence in Europe.
As for what might happen years later, that was a burden for another day.
Besides, Britain had already cultivated political assets inside Germany. Even if matters went badly in the future, London would not be without instruments.
So after only the briefest hesitation, Austin tightened his grip and sealed the bargain.
The deal was struck.
…..
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