It took less than a single year for the Congress of Vienna system, which had taken root across Europe for decades after the Napoleonic Wars, to fall into crisis.
In truth, the Vienna system had never been particularly stable from the beginning.
Once Nationalism and Liberalism had swept across Europe, there was no way to simply erase them and return to the past.
The wheel of history, no matter how desperately one tried to reverse it, always moved forward in the end.
From the moment Greek War of Independence succeeded and Greece gained independence, the Vienna system had already begun losing its solidity.
More than anything, the decisive factor was that the British Empire—the strongest power in Europe—had never been particularly cooperative with it.
Britain had already established a constitutional monarchy and transitioned into a capitalist economy.
From that perspective, the fate of the Vienna system hardly mattered.
In fact, many people in Britain openly criticized the system as an outdated attempt to reverse the course of history.
And indeed—
While countless European nations suffered from sudden waves of independence movements, rebellions, and riots, the British Empire calmly watched the chaos unfold.
"Hahaha! That French minister who came here last time—he became prime minister, didn't he? Begging our prime minister to sell grain and all that. Looks like he actually achieved something."
"More than something. France is currently the first country in Europe to regain stability."
"Well, that's thanks to the generosity of the British Empire, isn't it? While they're tearing themselves apart, we're sitting here sipping tea and collecting profits. What could be more comfortable than that? Truly worthy of our prime minister."
"Exactly! France always acts as if they're the center of the world. How often do you see them begging another country for help? I wish I'd seen that French prime minister bowing to our own. What a shame I missed it! Hahaha!"
Amid the flood of flattering praise, Charles Wellesley lifted his coffee cup and smiled awkwardly.
"It seems introducing the Factory Act beforehand also helped prevent workers and Chartist movement supporters from causing trouble."
"That's right. If we hadn't promised gradual reform, there would have been plenty of people here demanding suffrage and shorter working hours."
"I hear things are much worse in Germany and Italy."
"Yes. In Italy, uprisings demanding independence have broken out. And in German Confederation, both Kingdom of Prussia and the Austrian Empire are struggling."
"So everything is unfolding exactly as you planned, Prime Minister."
Cries of admiration erupted around the room.
The great prime minister who understood the tides of history better than anyone had even prepared measures for Germany in advance.
Once the revolutionary turmoil ended, European states that owed Britain diplomatic favors would never be able to refuse British requests.
And the stability and superiority of Britain's political system had been proven beyond comparison.
The newspapers were already overflowing with patriotic articles.
"French Prime Minister Guizot: 'I would like to thank Prime Minister Wellesley and Prince Consort Killian, Duke of Canada, for generously agreeing to export grain to France.'"
"Workers in France and Germany work over ten hours more per week than British workers—yet earn less!"
"All of Europe wonders about the strength of the British social system!"
"How the British Empire prepared for global chaos—an analysis of Prime Minister Wellesley's leadership."
"Now that is what the Conservative Party looks like!"
"Prime Minister Wellesley should stay in office for life!"
The more other nations suffered, the more valuable Britain appeared.
Wellesley—publicly credited as the leader guiding events—enjoyed the admiration of fellow politicians and the public alike.
All the while he quietly waited.
Because while everyone's eyes were fixed on him…
The true mastermind behind the crisis was surely preparing something else in the shadows.
While Wellesley was being praised as a political genius in Britain and France was busy dividing workers and capitalists—
The greatest turmoil in Europe was erupting in Germany.
News that the French government had agreed to accept some of the citizens' demands spread quickly.
Soon massive demonstrations demanding liberal reforms erupted in Vienna, the capital of the Austrian Empire.
Emperor Ferdinand I of Austria and Klemens von Metternich, the architect of the Vienna system, initially planned to suppress the protests with force.
But the arrival of a special envoy from Britain delayed that decision.
"I knew Britain would send a diplomat," Metternich said, "but I did not expect it to be you, Minister. I regret that the current situation prevents us from offering a proper welcome."
"That is quite all right," replied Benjamin Disraeli calmly.
"I came in hopes of offering assistance."
Disraeli glanced around the meeting room and studied the aging face of Metternich.
The man once hailed as the greatest diplomat in Europe was now over seventy.
Anyone studying diplomacy or international politics inevitably encountered Metternich's name.
And now Disraeli found himself speaking to that legend as an equal.
It was a strange feeling.
Perhaps thirty years later someone might look at him the same way.
Killian often spoke about securing Britain's dominance for the next hundred or two hundred years.
Now Disraeli understood why.
Thirty years ago Britain had already been stronger than Austria.
Today the gap had only widened.
Someday another rising power might challenge Britain's supremacy.
To prevent that day from coming, the foundations had to be secured now.
Disraeli agreed with Killian completely.
"The atmosphere in Vienna is… tense," Disraeli said carefully.
"Do not worry," Metternich replied.
"I will order a firm crackdown today. You may remain in Vienna without concern."
So he really intended to suppress the protests by force.
Even a brief glance at the streets had revealed the depth of public anger.
To try to crush that with violence…
Killian had predicted that Metternich would fall from power.
Now Disraeli saw why.
The once brilliant diplomat who had balanced the great powers so skillfully seemed like a different man entirely.
Perhaps time had simply worn down his genius.
It was a melancholy thought.
"Prime Minister," Disraeli said cautiously, "our concern is precisely that the government might attempt to suppress the demonstrators by force."
"That could easily escalate into a full-scale riot."
"And that would endanger the foreign diplomats currently residing in Vienna."
"If riots begin, we will deploy the army."
"That would only worsen the situation."
"Furthermore, I understand the situation in Hungary is also unstable."
"If troops are committed here, how will Austria handle Hungary?"
"Of course, it is not my place to interfere in your domestic affairs—but the safety of British diplomats compels me to speak."
"…Hungary," Metternich murmured.
"I had not considered that."
In truth the unrest was spreading everywhere—Saxony, Baden, Bavaria.
Believing all of that could be crushed by force alone was dangerously naive.
Disraeli suppressed a sigh.
"Some gesture toward liberal reform must be made," he said.
"But the protesters demand my resignation," Metternich replied sharply.
"Surely you are not suggesting I accept that?"
"Not at all."
"You represent the Vienna system itself. Of course the liberals want you removed."
"But you need not step down."
"Simply promise to grant many of their demands."
"And encourage divisions among them."
"Division?" Metternich asked skeptically.
"Is it really that simple?"
"Did you not hear how France stabilized its situation?"
Even the reform movement was not unified.
Moderates and radicals stood side by side within those crowds.
Killian's strategy was clear.
Support the moderates.
The old order could not survive unchanged.
But allowing extremists to dominate would plunge society into chaos.
Europe needed stability while gradually transitioning to a new system.
In other words—
The Vienna system would not be smashed in a single blow.
It would be euthanized slowly.
Of course, those living under it might not even realize it.
"I understand France has already promised reforms similar to Britain's," Metternich said slowly.
"In Austria the demands are stronger," Disraeli replied.
"Therefore it would be wise to appear generous at first."
"At the same time, highlight the demands of radical socialists."
"That will allow you to draw a line and say some demands go too far."
"I see. Divide them and win over the moderates."
"But that means Austria will eventually have to enact some liberal reforms."
"That cannot be avoided."
"When times change, institutions must change as well."
Metternich nodded thoughtfully.
"Thank you for the advice."
"But surely you did not travel from London merely to say this."
At least some of his old instincts remained.
Disraeli smiled.
"No."
"I have a proposal on behalf of the British government."
"Helping you remain in office is simply part of that proposal."
"If I fall," Metternich said, "you would have to negotiate again with my successor."
"You prefer not to repeat the work."
"Precisely."
"Our information suggests unrest in Hungary is particularly dangerous."
"And frankly speaking, Austria may struggle to suppress it alone."
"You mean Britain will send allied troops?"
"Of course."
Metternich's eyes widened.
In reality, the troops would come from France.
But since Britain would arrange it, the distinction hardly mattered.
"…If Britain sends aid, we would be deeply grateful."
"Hungary cannot be lost."
"What do you want in return?"
The reason Britain was helping France survive and ensuring Austria remained intact was simple.
"Russia."
"…Russia?"
Disraeli met Metternich's gaze.
"Break your alliance with the Russian Empire and join Britain instead."
"Not immediately."
"But eventually."
France would perform the labor.
Britain would reap the profit.
And the British encirclement of Russia was already beginning to take shape.