"What do you believe is the key to resolving this crisis, Minister?"
François Guizot found himself recalling the conversation he had with Killian Gore shortly before leaving London.
Once they had agreed to board the same ship politically, Killian had surprisingly offered sincere advice on how Guizot might successfully navigate the current turmoil.
"The answer must be to prevent the capitalists and workers from uniting in their dissatisfaction. The two sides must be carefully divided."
"Correct. Food distribution will be quite effective in that regard. But that alone is not enough."
"…Not enough? What more would be required?"
"If your goal were merely to survive the crisis, that might suffice. But you intend to become prime minister and lead the political landscape according to your own vision, do you not?"
"In that case, stronger measures are necessary."
So simply importing grain and reducing the anger of workers and farmers would not be enough?
Guizot had been, above all, a historian and a legal scholar.
Intricate political manipulation had never been his specialty.
At first he had not fully understood Killian's words.
But now he did.
Standing before the crowd, Guizot glanced back and forth between the wealthy capitalists seated in the front rows and the workers filling every corner of the square.
Then he drew a breath and began to speak.
"France is currently experiencing hardship on many fronts."
"Rapid industrialization has created conflicts throughout society, and politically the issue of suffrage continues to provoke controversy."
"But I do not believe these are merely signs of suffering."
"They are growing pains."
"They are the result of citizens striving for a better future and expressing their opinions."
The moment he mentioned voting rights, the expressions of the capitalists in the front rows changed immediately.
Originally, Guizot had intended only to isolate the capitalists by winning worker support through food relief.
He had viewed the political landscape in three simple groups: the landed elites who formed the ruling class, the capitalists opposing them, and the workers.
But Killian had advised him not to treat the capitalists as a single unified mass.
"The capitalists demanding suffrage are not all thinking the same way.Some want it immediately. Others would accept it a year later.Some believe only the wealthiest capitalists deserve the vote.You must exploit those divisions and split them further."
Divide workers from capitalists.
Then divide the capitalists themselves.
Isolate the extremists.
Once that happened, even if the radicals shouted their demands, no one would answer them.
The advice had been too perfect to ignore.
Thus Guizot had quietly decided to partially accept electoral reform.
"This unrest did not arise solely because Europe suffered drought," he continued.
"In Italy, in neighboring German states, people are voicing demands and calling upon their governments to respond."
"And some nations—such as the British Empire—have already begun adapting to the needs of society."
"Therefore France, too, will use this opportunity to listen more closely to the voice of its citizens."
A murmur spread through the crowd.
"Wait… are they really going to reform the election law?"
"The prime minister changes and suddenly things move this quickly?"
"Maybe the problem wasn't the monarchy after all—maybe the previous government was just incompetent."
After all, the new government had already imported grain to stabilize food prices.
And now it spoke of reforming the electoral law that had been stubbornly resisted for years.
Such bold gestures naturally stirred hope.
And that was precisely when Guizot introduced restraint.
"But as you all know, the entire continent is suffering from poor harvests."
"Political leaders and the army are already under tremendous pressure, as certain factions attempt to exploit the crisis to overthrow governments."
"If too many reforms occur simultaneously, unforeseen consequences may follow."
"Therefore we must proceed with caution."
"I ask for your understanding."
"What…? Then—!"
"However!"
Guizot raised his voice again.
"This is not an empty promise."
"Fortunately we have an example: Britain."
"Britain has gradually expanded voting rights according to property qualifications."
"France will follow a similar path."
"Some of you here will be able to vote in the very next election."
"And in the election after that, even more citizens will gain that right."
The implication was clear.
France would not immediately grant voting rights to all capitalists.
But it would gradually incorporate wealth beyond land ownership.
The reactions among the capitalists immediately split.
"If it doesn't happen now, what's the point?"
"It's still progress. Didn't he say some of us will vote in the next election?"
"So what? That will only mean a few dozen new voters."
"But the number will grow each election. Isn't that good enough?"
In truth, the hardliners demanding immediate universal suffrage among capitalists were fewer than expected.
Most people disliked appearing too radical—even when pursuing their own interests.
Guizot deliberately slowed his speech, observing the reactions.
Then, in a gesture unimaginable for a proud French prime minister, he bowed deeply.
"Personally, I would prefer sweeping reform."
"But at this moment, famine threatens lives across the nation. Grain prices are soaring."
"Our administrative capacity must first focus on stabilizing the crisis."
"I, François Guizot, promise to pursue reform while safeguarding your well-being."
"Even if the process feels slow, I ask you to trust and watch."
"We trust you, Prime Minister!"
"Show us you are different!"
"Boo! Reform now! Fraudulent Prime Minister—!"
"Have some sense!" someone shouted.
"The country faces famine. Solving that must come first!"
"If we appear obsessed with voting rights while workers starve, it will only harm our cause!"
The capitalists who had begun shouting found themselves facing the cold stares of thousands of workers filling the square.
They quickly bit their tongues.
Once the government had declared that all administrative power was focused on combating famine, opposing that claim outright was politically impossible.
A few reckless agitators who shouted for voting rights regardless of the crisis nearly found themselves dragged away by furious workers.
Silence was the wiser course.
Looking down at the now docile capitalists, Guizot felt a surge of triumph.
Good heavens.
It really works.
No wonder the British were so successful.
This strategy was remarkably effective.
Just as scratching an itch at the right moment brought immense relief, Guizot's swift measures to confront France's crisis rapidly elevated his popularity across the country.
"Your Highness, these are the research materials you requested."
After the Edward incident had resulted in him being banned from delivering speeches in front of Buckingham Palace, Karl Marx politely presented a thick stack of papers.
"The Communist Manifesto, hmm," Killian said.
"The title hasn't changed."
"…Have I shown this to Your Highness before?"
"No. Just thinking aloud."
"Let's see what you've written."
"It's still only a draft," Marx replied.
"There are rough sections. I've also intentionally left some parts incomplete so I can expand them while observing the current events in Europe."
Marx believed the existing social system was riddled with contradictions.
Sooner or later, it would reach its limits.
Now famine had triggered unrest throughout Europe.
To Marx, it seemed proof that his analysis was correct.
He devoted himself to completing what he believed would become a historic work.
"You said you wanted to supplement it after observing the current turmoil," Killian asked.
"What exactly do you mean?"
"I want to test whether workers across Europe could unite to challenge the unjust social order."
"So that's where the phrase 'Workers of the world, unite' comes from."
Marx blinked.
"I didn't realize Your Highness had heard that. If I had known, I would have been more careful."
"Don't worry about it."
"Let's discuss your manifesto."
After glancing through it, Killian noticed familiar ideas—but also subtle differences.
One famous line he remembered was missing entirely:
Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution…
Perhaps Marx had deliberately omitted it because Killian would read the manuscript.
Or perhaps he simply had not yet embraced such radical conclusions.
Historically the manifesto had appeared shortly before the revolutions of 1848.
Perhaps meeting Killian had complicated Marx's thinking.
Indeed, Marx's expression did not seem entirely confident.
"Are you dissatisfied with what you've written?" Killian asked.
"No… not exactly."
"I'm simply questioning whether ideals can truly be applied directly to reality."
"That must be because of what I told you earlier."
Marx's theory was revolutionary.
But in practice, such ideas could easily mutate into something very different.
Killian had spent considerable effort planting that doubt.
And it seemed to be working.
"Tell me, Karl," he said.
"What do you think of the storm sweeping across Europe?"
"As I said before, it is a sign that a society corrupted by capitalist greed is reaching its limits."
"So revolutions will topple nations?"
"Perhaps not all of them," Marx said cautiously.
"But one or two countries might fall."
Killian shook his head.
"I disagree."
"…What?"
Even in real history, the Revolutions of 1848 had ultimately failed.
The French Revolution of 1848 produced temporary change, but the new government soon turned conservative and suppressed socialists.
Marx would later interpret those events as the first great class struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat.
But Killian had no intention of allowing such a narrative to form.
"This unrest will prove the opposite," he said calmly.
"It will demonstrate that revolutions cannot succeed where capitalism has not yet matured."
"Watch closely how adaptable capitalism can be."
Within a month, the flames ignited in France would fade.
Across Europe, rebellions would be crushed.
And Marx would learn a painful lesson.
Workers of the world could not unite.
As for the force that might someday break the chains of labor and end the history of class struggle—
Killian would not say a word.
He would simply turn this entire city into a chamber filled with ideas.
And let the gas seep in slowly.