I hope you can use this as a foundation to strengthen your control over Milan. In the future, the family's control over the Italian region will likely be handed over to you."
Laszlo, of course, would not tell his son that this enfeoffment was also part of the plan to partition the Duchy of Milan. More cuts would need to be made to the bloated Duchy of Milan in the future so that it could gradually integrate into the Austrian system.
As the local governor, Maximilian had previously had to rely solely on his status as prince and governor, along with the support of his mentor, the Marquis of Montferrat, to control Milan, which had subjected him to many constraints.
Now, possessing a sizable fief in Milan meant that he would have the opportunity to develop his own power base in the future.
Even though he regretted not becoming an Imperial Prince in one giant leap, Maximilian was still extremely excited.
"I will manage Milan and the Northern Italian states well for you, please rest assured."
Laszlo nodded with satisfaction. He was not worried about any chaos in Italy; as long as there was no interference from the French, the Italian balance of power he had spearheaded was virtually impossible to disrupt.
As for the subsequent plans to gradually encroach upon Italy, they were probably out of the question until the integration of Milan was completed.
After finalizing the specific details of the investiture ceremony, Maximilian left the audience hall in high spirits, intending to find a few close friends to celebrate.
Immediately after, Laszlo received an envoy from Burgundy.
A few days prior, he had already met with a secret envoy sent by the Duke of Armagnac and learned of the developments in France.
As he had expected, Charles was already growing restless, which allowed Laszlo's once-anxious heart to settle back down.
As long as Charles launched an attack, everything would turn out fine.
However, things were not quite as good as he had anticipated.
After reading Charles's letter, Laszlo immediately convened an emergency meeting of the Privy Council.
"At the meeting held a few days ago, we all learned of the death of Charles VIII, and the conclusion drawn then was to support Burgundy in continuing its fight against Louis XI.
Now, Charles of Burgundy intends to vie for the French throne and has come to seek my support. What do you all think of this matter?"
Laszlo laid Charles's letter on the table, somewhat undecided, and turned to ask his ministers for their counsel.
The combination of Charles and the French throne left several ministers looking at each other in bewilderment.
"I see no issue with supporting Charles's claim. That way, he and Louis XI will fight to the bitter end, and we can step in at our leisure to clean up the pieces."
Baron Grafenegg, who was in charge of military affairs, was the first to voice his opinion.
Aside from the Independent Army, which had been out earning money to support Austria, the other field armies had not participated in any warfare for two years.
The replenishment, training, and restructuring of the military, as well as the replenishment and modernization of equipment, were basically complete.
With Austria's finances becoming increasingly abundant and the technology of the Graz Arsenal steadily improving, the proportion of firearms equipped in the army had neared fifty percent. Not only the soldiers serving in the musketeer companies, but even the regular infantry companies were equipped with a small number of musketeers to provide fire support.
The originally oversized company organization had also been phased out due to the expansion of low-level military command personnel, in which the Vienna New City Military Academy played a crucial role.
The six companies of a legion were reorganized and split into ten companies. The number of officers increased significantly, and company commanders no longer had to lead troops exceeding their command limits into battle.
In addition, the artillery units attached to each legion were formed into two independent companies, each equipped with twenty-four artillery pieces of various types. The artillery assistants, who had previously been scattered across various companies, were concentrated together and protected by elite infantry.
Theoretically, the army's tactical flexibility and professionalism should have improved, but this still needed to be tested through war.
In addition to improving the army's administrative structure and tactical organization, the Imperial Guard and cavalry units were also expanded to a certain extent, each adding several hundred men to form multiple extra-budgetary companies.
The transformation of the army had been gradually perfected during the intervals between multiple wars. With this phase of innovation complete, Grafenegg harbored some expectations regarding the changes in the army's combat capability.
However, directly throwing the Austrian army in to face the French Army was not very wise. The best approach was to let the Burgundians wear down the French strength first, and then have the Austrian army step in to end the war.
To achieve this goal, fanning the flames between Louis XI and Charles was necessary.
"Your Majesty, I believe we cannot further fuel Charles's ambition. What would a King of France who controls the Low Countries look like?
With just a few years of recovery, the annual revenue such a monarch could obtain would easily exceed the combined financial revenues of Austria and Hungary. You certainly would not want to see such a powerhouse emerge in the west of the Empire."
Fugger merely calmly presented roughly estimated data to support his point of view.
"His view was quickly endorsed by Archbishop Georg."
Clement, who directed foreign affairs, understood the situation best, but even he could not say for sure who between Charles and Louis XI would prevail.
Judging from the outcomes of the past three Franco-Burgundian Wars, Louis XI, who had lost half his territory, was likely no match for Charles in his prime.
However, Charles's expansion in the Low Countries had already shown negative effects; annexing three states in eight years was clearly biting off more than he could chew. The Burgundians were still suffering from indigestion, forced to divert much of their strength to suppress domestic unrest.
Under such circumstances, even the most seasoned politicians found it difficult to judge who would emerge victorious.
If Charles truly won, Fugger's worries might very well turn into reality.
And once the worst-case scenario occurred—namely, Charles obtaining a legitimate male heir—the Emperor would have to pay for his years of policy mistakes in the future.
How could reality have so many 'ifs'? Yet reality was full of them... Who could have expected that Charles VIII would pass away so suddenly after only a few years of enjoying his reign as king?
"In that case, the risk of supporting Charles's claim is indeed not small," Laszlo pondered for a moment and nodded, saying, "It seems it is once again time for vague diplomatic rhetoric to play its part."
Charles's ambition had now grown to a point of madness, and even Laszlo could not openly and unequivocally declare support for him.
However, instigating Charles to pursue practical interests and fight Louis XI was still quite easy.
After all, if Charles allowed Louis XI to reclaim the masterless lands of Northern France, he could forget about holding onto the French territories he had previously acquired in peace—especially Reims, a city of immense symbolic significance.
"Your Majesty, the Pope should also receive Charles's request. You must convey your opinion to Rome as soon as possible," Matthias reminded him at this point.
"Indeed, Rome can play a significant role. Having the Holy See send an envoy to fan the flames on both sides should make things quite interesting."
According to the line of succession, the one who should now ascend the throne is the Duke of Orléans, who is less than ten years old, followed by Charles.
This way, the Holy See will have an excuse to defer, while still leaving Charles with a glimmer of hope. Laszlo could already imagine what kind of mess Louis XI and Charles would fight themselves into.
When the right moment came, it would be his turn to act.
Charles ultimately failed to receive a response from the Emperor and the Holy See that fully satisfied him.
Although the Emperor verbally expressed support for Burgundy's territorial claims, he did not provide a clear stance regarding the succession of the French throne.
Pope Bernhard, being an old hand who had worked with Laszlo for many years, naturally knew how to prevaricate and stall at such times.
To take a step back, Burgundy hadn't yet offered the Holy See any tangible benefits, yet they wanted the Holy See to hand over the title of King of France for free; there was no such thing as a free lunch.
Benedict XIII outwardly respected the Emperor's attitude and did not rashly agree to Charles's request, but privately set an extremely high price, which directly discouraged Charles.
If one were to rank the monarchs of Europe, according to the custom of the Holy See, Laszlo, who held the double crown, would rank first, his son, the King of the Romans, would rank second, and the King of France would rank third.
For the countless independent monarchs in Europe, this was a level they could only look up to, so it was no surprise that titles were sold at a premium.
And Burgundy clearly could not afford it.
The army Charles had recently assembled and the military funds currently maintaining it had been scraped together not long ago to attack Lorraine. Now that he wanted to take this money to lead the army to attack France, how could he possibly have money left to pay tribute to the Holy See and bribe the Emperor?
Even if the Low Countries were wealthy, they could not withstand the repeated extortion from the Emperor and the Pope—extortion that came in wave after wave, almost turning Charles from a tycoon into a pauper.
Unwilling to waste more money currying favor with the Holy See, Charles failed to seize the opportunity to snatch the French throne. Therefore, it was inconvenient for him to openly declare his intention to enter Paris, so he only sent people to spread the news, claiming that the King of Burgundy had the right to claim the inheritance of the Kingdom of France.
Under normal circumstances, no one would have taken this seriously.
Even if the House of Burgundy also had Valois blood, who didn't know that Burgundy and France had now become mortal enemies?
However, at this sensitive and critical juncture, Charles's methods actually proved somewhat effective, and those who were unwilling to accept the rule of Louis XI began to rally around him.
In mid-October 1473, the Burgundian Army set out from Brussels and, shortly thereafter, brazenly crossed the undefended border of the Somme River, driving straight toward Paris.
By coordinating with the Duke of Armagnac from the inside, the Burgundian Army breached the walls of Paris once again, achieving control over the capital of France.
Shortly thereafter, many of the great French feudal lords who had originally been subordinate to Charles VIII declared an alliance with Charles to resist the rule of Louis XI.
They did not support Charles as king, but instead turned to demand that Louis XI release the Duke of Orléans, whom he had detained at court, with the intention of supporting the Duke of Orléans, Louis, to become the new King of France.
Louis XI certainly would not agree, but at the same time, he did not secretly harm the Duke of Orléans; instead, he announced the news of his daughter's engagement to the Duke of Orléans.
While keeping a tight grip on the Duke of Orléans, he led his army to accelerate his advance to the north.
As the Burgundian Army and the northward-advancing French Army engaged in a small-scale skirmish near Chartres, the Fourth France-Burgundy War officially began.
Beginning with the first War of the Public Weal in 1465, which was the first France-Burgundy War, the two sides repeatedly fought and ceased hostilities over a short span of eight years, with the entire Northern France maintaining a precious peace for only a very small amount of time.
Following the end of the catastrophic third France-Burgundy War and the French Punitive War, the long tug-of-war between Charles VIII and Louis XI further depleted the resources of the people across the north and south of France; the war seemed almost endless.
Now, Charles VIII had suddenly died of illness, and there were many rumors claiming that Louis XI had sent someone to poison his own brother, just as he had poisoned his own father years ago.
However, the effect of these rumors on Louis XI's reputation was actually not very ideal; they only made those who loathed Louis XI more fearful and strengthened their determination to resist.
Seizing this opportunity, the King of Burgundy, who had originally extricated himself from France, decided to run back and meddle in the affairs.
The year-after-year wars had not yet ended, and the people of Northern France, who had been looted and exploited for years, despairingly discovered that a new war, likely of even higher intensity, was already imminent.
Although years of war had not yet reduced the fertile lands of Northern France to the tragic state of being completely desolate, the change from vast, fertile fields to scorched earth was real.
To maintain the supplies of the Burgundian Army and reduce expenses, Charles continued to employ the classic strategy of living off the enemy, dispatching multiple small detachments to various parts of the Paris Basin to forcibly requisition the grain, cattle, sheep, and hard-earned fodder that the French farmers had just harvested from their fields not long ago.
This time, the actions of the Burgundian Army were not much better than during the 1471 campaign.
Cardinal William of Rouen, who went to Paris to meet Charles at the beginning of the war, described it as follows in a letter to the Pope.
"A few years ago, when I set out from Rouen for Paris, I could see villages emitting smoke every ten miles or so; the entire region was in shambles, everything usable and valuable had been swept clean, and I do not know how many villages had suffered organized massacres.
Now, when I walk this not-so-long road again, I can see that a village is destroyed every few dozen miles—not because the army's atrocities have abated, but because those now suffering their devastation are the people who survived the last catastrophe."
Even if they were not killed in resistance, most farmers and artisans would simply not survive the winter.
Large numbers of refugees flocked to nearby churches and hospitals seeking shelter, and those near the cities also turned into refugees and poured into the cities. Within a few weeks, the number of refugees in Paris exceeded four digits, directly triggering a large-scale riot, forcing Charles to mobilize the army to suppress it and impose martial law within the city.
The foreign Burgundian Army was this way, and the French Army led by Louis XI was no different.
In order to maintain the army, Louis XI had long ago issued a decree requiring the subjects of France to provide a specified amount of various military supplies for his army.
If the people of the villages and towns honestly gathered the items and handed them over, then the French Army could be called friendly; if they resisted to the death, the only thing awaiting those who disobeyed was the sword and artillery fire that should have been used to protect them.
Even if the Paris Basin were wealthy, after experiencing such brutal devastation, it would likely be difficult to recover in less than a decade.
Before the war had even reached its most cruel point, the people in Northern France, especially those around Paris, once again realized what a true "Les Misérables" was.
Compared to the miserable life of the French populace, the Austrians had gradually grown accustomed to a stable life and were celebrating this year's harvest.
At the routinely convened meeting of the Austrian Privy Council, the topics discussed by Laszlo and his ministers were no longer focused on the many wars occurring far away, but instead shifted to the situation within Austria.
After all, the threat brought by war had long since receded from Austria over a decade ago.
Compared to the scourge of war, the imbalance in land and wealth distribution and the disasters brought about by climate change had become the more significant factors affecting Austria's stability.
"Your Majesty, with the exception of the state of Bohemia, the verification work for land and citizen property registration in all other states has been basically completed."
"The tax amounts for the next ten years, including tribute taxes, royal domain taxes, and various indirect taxes, have also been estimated, totaling around 900,000 florins, with Lower Austria, Bohemia, and Venetia contributing nearly sixty percent of the revenue."
"If the tribute from vassal states and diplomatic income are also included, our available fiscal revenue should be slightly higher than that of the Kingdom of Burgundy."
Just as Fugger finished his report, the Austrian ministers congratulated the Emperor one after another with joyful smiles.
In the past, although Austria had not fallen to the level of a third-rate country, it was absolutely impossible for it to match the Kingdom of Burgundy, which was famous for its wealth, in fiscal revenue.
Now, after surpassing the Kingdom of Hungary, the resources that the Vienna government could mobilize had once again achieved a reversal in total volume against the Kingdom of Burgundy.
As Fugger had said, the key factors in this were undoubtedly the rich and prosperous Venetia and the broken and integrated Kingdom of Bohemia.
Although the former had experienced a period of decline after separating from Venice, with the submission of Venice, this direct state located in Northern Italy had become prosperous once again.
As for Bohemia, there was no need to say more; with Moravia and Bohemia separately incorporated into the Austrian system, it was equivalent to directly doubling the foundation of Austria's fiscal revenue.
According to estimates by the royal economic advisors, the income of the Kingdom of Bohemia should be on par with the Kingdom of England, belonging to the top tier of the European continent, and previously it had been an existence that could crush all states of the Holy Roman Empire.
As the smoke of the Hussite Wars gradually dissipated, Bohemia gradually restored its former prosperity and also began to make more contributions to the Emperor's cause.
"Hmm, the tax quotas must be carefully reviewed; I do not wish to see unrest caused by inappropriate tribute allocations."
Laszlo felt joy in his heart but still offered a reminder.
Fugger nodded and replied: "That is a matter of course, Your Majesty."
"An increase in tax revenue is a good thing for us, but what is truly important is how we use the fiscal revenue at hand."
"The bulk of our expenses is, of course, the military. Our army is gradually moving towards professionalization, and costs are rising accordingly, but fortunately, it has not exceeded our capacity."
"Then there is the royal government and the court; expenses in this area generally do not fluctuate too much, so there is no need to worry too much."
"The remaining money, whether used as reserve war funds or invested in public construction, are all feasible options. Let's talk about your views first."
Laszlo threw out the topic, and it quickly sparked intense discussion at the meeting.
Some were shouting about investing in industries, some were clamoring for military expansion, and others hoped to increase diplomatic spending to achieve strategic goals.
In the end, it was the suggestion put forward by Archbishop Georg, the Chief Minister in charge of administrative affairs, that received the Emperor's approval.
The Archbishop's proposal was inspired by the "Regional Public Security Ordinance" proposed by Swabia and intended to conduct a pilot program in the relatively centralized state of Austria first.
"We can issue security ordinances in the name of the state, or we can rely on the authority of the Austrian government to implement them in various states."
"Government advisors have previously studied the concepts of security ordinances proposed by some judges in Swabia and Franconia."
"These concepts cover regulations for weddings, baptisms, and church dedication ceremonies, constraints and protections for guilds, and also clearly define the responsibility to relieve the poor."
"Through the cooperation of local troops and main legions, we can solve the threats brought by bandits and refugees, rectify the currency system in the name of the state, and build savings granaries in various places to control grain prices."
"Many of these ideas have already been realized in Austria, but in other regions of the Empire, it is still a mess."
"If we can build Austria into a model state of the Empire, it will not only make our people feel satisfied, but it will also increase your reputation and that of Austria in the Empire."
The Archbishop's suggestion not only focused on the development of Austria itself but even expanded the scope to cover the entire Austrian region.
In the Austrian region, besides the Archduke of Austria, apart from the Swiss states that were forcefully inserted, there were only a host of semi-independent imperial bishoprics left.
By using the name of implementing state ordinances, the Austrian side could completely infiltrate its influence into the series of small states attached to its periphery.
"Hmm, if we can formulate a perfect security ordinance, we will not be as flustered as before when facing possible disasters, and the lives of the people can also be guaranteed to a certain extent."
"Maintaining good public order is the foundation of economic and production development. If the security ordinance advocated by the Archbishop can receive good feedback in Austria, we can promote it within the Empire later."
Laszlo gave his approval to Georg's proposal.
This so-called security ordinance looked very broad, and the aspects it actually involved were indeed many, and most of them were related to the daily life of the people.
For example, granaries, poorhouses, and other public construction projects were important projects related to social stability and people's livelihood, and the investment involved would certainly not be small, but Laszlo believed these efforts were worth it.
In addition, there were some long-standing customs and industry rules; regulating these things could reduce many unnecessary conflicts.
Just as the people in other regions were living precarious lives or struggling in the flames of war, Austria had already begun to consider investing in promoting prosperity and public welfare.
However, Laszlo did not reject all the suggestions made by other ministers.
For instance, regarding military investment, especially investment in the navy, Laszlo had never been stingy.
With the support of increasing military spending year by year, the Austrian Navy could now frolic wantonly in the "bathtub" of the Mediterranean.
Just a while ago, the Austrian naval admiral Dujam also took a fleet and went with the Genoese fleet to the Kingdom of Cyprus, which had already been sold to the Emperor.
The Venetians had actually controlled the political power of Cyprus in the name of Queen Catherine, but under the pressure of the Emperor, the Venetian Government finally chose to yield.
They handed over the control of Famagusta, and the flag of Genoa flew over that port once again.
For the remaining areas on the island of Cyprus, the Venetians obtained the right to use them with an annual rent of thousands of florins.
The Austrian fleet escorted the pregnant Queen Catherine away from Cyprus.
Originally, according to the agreement, she should have been sent to Vienna to settle down, living as a courtier of the Emperor just like Queen Charlotte, who had already obtained a fief in Austria.
However, Catherine's father, Marco Cornaro, a member of the Council of Ten of Venice and an imperial knight, requested the Emperor to allow his daughter to return to Venice to settle, and Laszlo finally agreed to this sincere request from an old father.
If the Venetians intended to make an issue of Catherine's status and the child in her womb, Laszlo would let them know the consequences of miscalculating.
However, this possibility did not seem very high in Laszlo's view.
The Republic of Venice had been developing quite well recently; after old Moro died, the newly appointed Doge was an enterprising and excellent leader, and under his management, Venice's maritime trade was gradually recovering its vitality.
It could be seen from the fact that Venice was able to win a complete victory in the dispute with Genoa that Venice still possessed some foundation.
Of course, a more important reason might be that the Emperor allowed Venice to recruit galley slaves and experienced sailors within the Empire.
For Laszlo, the benefits that a revitalized Venice could bring were far greater than a half-dead Venice, and the commercial lifeline of the Venetians was in his hands, so there was no need to worry too much about backlash.
Even so, the development of the Austrian Navy did not stagnate; on the contrary, it was constantly accumulating the number and quality of ships, and the fleet was also accumulating experience in navigation and naval combat through frequent voyages.
In the latest naval regulations, many auxiliary ships and light ships that could be supplemented by temporary requisition were eliminated, and the Austrian fleet took the path of being small but elite, retaining only more than a dozen large main warships such as carracks and galleys.
While saving expenses as much as possible, the Military Court Committee ordered several newly built main warships from the shipyards of Trieste, Venetia, and Venice, intending to further expand the strength of the Austrian fleet.
And this part of the increased investment in the navy would basically be used for the maintenance and modification of main warships.
After the Privy Council meeting ended, Archbishop Georg soon began to organize officials to compile the Austrian state security ordinance based on the Swabian state security ordinance.
Synchronized with this work was the collection and compilation of customary law led by the Imperial Court of Justice, and the two departments even sent advisor officials to each other to ensure that the legal provisions within the Austrian states would not conflict too much with the ordinances at the state level.
While the Vienna government departments were busy for the Emperor's will, Laszlo did not have much time to be idle.
Not to mention the France-Burgundy War and the White Sheep-Ottoman War that required his continuous attention, as Christmas 1473 was approaching, his energy had to be invested in this year's All-Austria Conference.
Unlike the petition assemblies of various ranks in previous years, this year happened to be the tenth year since the signing of the "Adjournment Agreement," and the old tribute contract had expired; he had to ensure that the new contract could be renewed in time.
Otherwise, the fiscal budget discussed and allocated at the previous Privy Council meeting would likely need to be forcibly collected by relying on the military and government officials to bypass the estates of the various states.
For the estates that value their deliberative rights, such conduct is no different from outright robbery, yet they have no way to stop Laszlo from actually doing so.
In order for everyone to spend a pleasant New Year with dignity, Laszlo believes the representatives of the estates of the various states will not make things difficult for him.
Once the All-Austria Conference is over, there is another Imperial Diet waiting for him next year, though it is uncertain whether it can be held smoothly.
As it happens, he is not the only one worrying about the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire.
The Duchy of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel.
The octogenarian Duke William I, the Elder, stood by the window with a worried look on his face, watching the castle covered in ice and snow, and let out a sigh of frustration.
Standing behind him, his two sons, William the Younger and Frederick, were explaining to their father the plight currently faced by the princes who were jointly resisting the imperial public donation tax.
"This is the latest edict issued by His Majesty the Emperor: Emperor Laszlo, with his legitimate knowledge and complete authority over the Holy Roman Empire, exempts the city of Lübeck and all its citizens, residents, and subjects from all local tariffs required to be paid within the territory of Mecklenburg, including the already exempted tariffs of Rostock and Wismar, as well as the tariffs of Libnitz and Grevesmühlen that are collected with the Emperor's permission."
The edict mentions the petition from the Mayor and City Council of Lübeck, and the reason given by the Emperor is that Lübeck has contributed much to the Holy Roman Empire and should enjoy such privileges.
Unlike previous privilege edicts, at the end of this one, the Emperor did not set the punishment as the common 50-mark gold fine, but instead stated with stern wording that those who violate the edict will be subject to the severest disciplinary action."
William the Younger rolled up the ultimatum-like edict and then produced a letter from Duke Henry IV of Mecklenburg.
"The severest disciplinary action... So, Henry can no longer withstand the pressure?" William I asked without turning his head, still staring at the snowy scenery outside the window.
"Yes, Father. The letter from Henry IV mentions that the Duke of Pomerania, Erick, is making war preparations with great fanfare, seemingly ready to respond to the Emperor's call at any moment."
"Is he scared out of his wits by just this bit of movement? Do the people of Pomerania really dare to launch a war in such a cold winter?"
"It is not the enemy from Pomerania that Duke Henry is worried about, but the intervention that the Emperor might impose."
"The Emperor hasn't even made a move yet, and he's already scared out of his wits?" A look of disdain appeared on William I's wrinkled face.
William the Younger also shook his head helplessly. If the Duke of Pomerania were willing to act as the Emperor's pawn, then the Imperial Army could truly strike the territory of Mecklenburg directly; it is no wonder Duke Henry feels fear because of this.
"What about the other princes?" William I asked again.
"Duke John IV of Saxe-Lauenburg was reprimanded by the Emperor for unauthorized use of the title, coat of arms, and honors of the Elector of Saxony at the Imperial Diet of Augsburg. He holds a grudge because of this and refuses to sign the public donation tax ordinance.
Recently, the Emperor issued another edict threatening an imperial ban, and the Elector of Saxony, Ernst, also expressed dissatisfaction with this. Duke John has stopped his acts of usurpation and may soon yield to the Emperor."
"That grandstanding fellow could never be counted on for much anyway." William I sneered, treating it as a joke.
There are indeed many bold princes within the Holy Roman Empire, but he is the only one who dares to impersonate an Elector at the Imperial Diet.
William the Younger finished his report, and his brother Frederick began to introduce the situation of another prince.
"Father, the Count of Oldenburg is still suffering from the siege by the Bishop of Münster and the Hanseatic League, and he has completely lost the ability to resist.
It is said that the King of Denmark is unwilling to provide much assistance due to domestic unrest, and the Count of Oldenburg is now considering compromising with the Emperor to exchange for the protection of the 'imperial peace decree'."
"If he yields, I am afraid many people's positions will change."
Compared to the Duke of Mecklenburg and the Duke of Saxe-Lauenburg, who were only verbally warned by the Emperor, Oldenburg is truly in a miserable state.
Just because the Count sheltered pirates in the port and directed them to raid the coast, threatening the trade routes of the Hanseatic League, Lübeck gathered several neighboring Hanseatic cities to launch an expedition against Oldenburg from the sea.
To save his life, the Count of Oldenburg immediately requested assistance from his older brother, the King of Denmark, but the reply he received was that the Danes did not wish to intervene in this war.
Subsequently, this unfortunate Count turned to the Elector of Saxony, Ernst, who had promised to provide protection and assistance to the princes resisting the tax.
However, Elector Ernst's so-called protection was just empty words.
Perhaps the Electorate of Saxony does have the ability to organize an army to launch an expedition in North German territory, but unfortunately, Ernst, who hates war, does not like to organize an army to cross a long distance to fight a war that clearly has no profit to be gained.
Moreover, the Elector of Saxony had already spent a large amount of money bribing the local church electoral college to install his young son as the Archbishop of Magdeburg. Even if he had surplus funds, he would rather invest them in the development of the Electorate of Saxony than spend them outside of Saxony.
The Elector's practice of inciting princes to resist the Emperor created a great contradiction with the defensive strategy he pursued, and the crisis encountered by Oldenburg exposed this contradiction before everyone's eyes.
Meanwhile, the Elector of Saxony's ally, the Elector of Brandenburg, did something even more extreme.
He simply threw the Electorate of Brandenburg to his eldest son, who had just come of age, and returned to Franconia with his family to settle down.
As a result, not long after returning to Franconia, his position as the Governor of Franconia was revoked by the Emperor, and the Emperor immediately handed over the authority of the governor to the Elector's mortal enemy, the Bishop of Würzburg.
As one of the dignified seven Electors of the Holy Roman Empire, his life back in his hometown of Franconia is now indescribably stifling.
If the leaders are like this, how much better can the blind-following princes below be?
Having no other choice, the Count of Oldenburg had to swallow the bitter pill and turned to the Imperial Court of Justice for help.
The Count's grounds for appeal were also legitimate; this mob of the Hanseatic League clearly violated the imperial peace promised by the Emperor, so he requested the protection of the Holy Roman Empire.
However, he had previously chosen to oppose the Emperor's proposition under the incitement of his older brother, so he was lacking in the imperial obligations he should have fulfilled himself.
The judges of the Holy Roman Empire also saw this point and dragged their feet without issuing a verdict; behind this, I am afraid there is no lack of the Emperor's instructions.
This is forcing the Count of Oldenburg to take a stand: either fulfill the complete imperial obligations and then accept any possible penalties depending on the Emperor's mood, or just drag it out and see who can't hold out first.
Would the Emperor be anxious? Obviously not; he is only in his thirties and has decades left to drag this out.
And what about the Count of Oldenburg? He probably doesn't even have a year, because the attacks by the Hanseatic League and the Bishop of Münster are too fierce.
This war is the only one within the Holy Roman Empire that broke out with the Emperor's tacit approval, a war fought by the Imperial faction against the opposition; how many eyes are watching it.
Before the war began, the various princes of the opposition all thought that the Count of Oldenburg, with the backing of the Kingdom of Denmark and two Electors as heavyweight supporters, would easily overcome the crisis.
Who would have thought that when the Emperor's supporters truly swarmed in, the Count of Oldenburg would be unable to obtain any effective support.
"Father, the lands of the Archbishop of Mainz, which are adjacent to the Wolfenbüttel territory, have not been peaceful recently, and the lawsuit regarding our mercenaries plundering the territory of the Abbey of Fulda only ended not long ago. If..."
In view of the Count of Oldenburg's miserable plight, William the Younger could not help but harbor thoughts of withdrawing.
If the Emperor protects his supporters unconditionally like this, then in the end, it will only be the opposition like them who suffer losses in various conflicts.
Rather than standing on the opposite side of the Emperor with the Elector of Saxony, who has neither prestige nor credibility, it would be better to change sides early.
Moreover, unlike those other princes, their father, William I, still holds the title of Governor of Lower Saxony. Perhaps the Emperor really cannot find a reliable prince in Lower Saxony worth entrusting, or perhaps the Emperor is waiting for the old Duke to have a change of heart.
If they can timely win the Emperor's forgiveness, then their current passive position will be reversed.
Frederick, who was on the side, also echoed: "Father, the imperial public donation tax is not exactly a heavy burden for us to begin with. Why must you make an enemy of the Emperor for a moment of resentment?"
The two brothers had not personally experienced the shame of being refuted by the Emperor at the Imperial Diet, so they could not quite understand their father's choice.
Back then, the old Duke had protested his seating arrangement at the first Imperial Diet convened by Laszlo, and the protest was quickly dismissed by the Emperor himself. Since then, the old Duke had always regarded this as a public humiliation.
In addition, his thinking was conservative, so he viewed the Emperor's series of reforms as an infringement on the traditions of the Holy Roman Empire and the ruling rights of the princes, and even being appointed as a district governor by the Emperor did not completely change his view.
Seeing that his two sons had so easily decided to bow before the Emperor, William I let out a long sigh and said dejectedly: "Then what do you say we should do now?"
"Write to the Emperor, state our position, and support the reforms."
"Convene the district assembly to see if we can persuade those opponents to change their minds."
William I looked at his two sons in astonishment. Seeing that their attitude was very firm, he had to nod helplessly and said: "Fine, let's do as you say."