"Remove Klim and Viktor from the list, along with any other candidates associated with UFMS. From now on, UFMS must maintain absolute independence."
"Boss, Viktor is manageable, but Klim is from the Derevyanko family, which holds significant influence in the Rivne region. Removing him might cause some backlash. After all, it's just a parliamentary seat."
"Just tell him it's my decision."
In the study of a mansion located in the affluent Weston suburb of Boston, Simon Westeros was discussing the candidate list for the Verstov system's camp in next year's Ukrainian parliamentary elections with Sulia Miller.
The first parliamentary elections under the new Ukrainian constitution were scheduled for March next year. Although there was still over half a year left, it was already time to start planning.
Sulia Miller had brought a list of candidates, including two leaders from Simon's private military company in Ukraine, UFMS (Ukrainian Front Military Services): Klim Derevyanko and Viktor Kostarev.
Simon's stance was clear: remove them.
Although they were part of a private military force, Simon believed that the military should maintain its independence as much as possible. In practice, this was difficult to achieve, but Simon wanted to make his position clear.
This was also a test.
If the two, especially Klim Derevyanko, whose family had deep roots in the Rivne region, were dissatisfied, it might be time for Simon to replace the UFMS leadership.
As for the Derevyanko family's influence, it was insignificant compared to the Verstov system. If things escalated, Simon could easily eliminate them entirely.
Sulia Miller quickly understood Simon's intentions and didn't press further. She continued reviewing the list of candidates with her boss. The list included over a hundred members of the "Ukrainian Progressive Alliance Party," which had been registered just last year. After more than two hours, they narrowed it down to 20 candidates.
Given the Verstov system's current influence in Ukraine, they could have easily doubled or even tripled the number of candidates. However, this wasn't the 1994 U.S. midterm elections, where Simon had been focused on consolidating his power base. This time, a more gradual approach was necessary.
Twenty candidates were enough to avoid provoking a backlash from the Kyiv authorities while ensuring the Verstov system's influence in the Ukrainian parliament.
Moreover, in addition to these 20 candidates from the Progressive Alliance, Simon planned to place some undercover agents within other factions.
The final list was entirely Simon's decision.
Simon had no intention of engaging in any democratic discussions with the Ukrainians. He wanted to assert his authority and observe their reactions.
Who would support him?
Who would oppose him?
After more than three years of maneuvering, it was time to see the results and, if necessary, conduct another purge to further solidify the Verstov system's foundation in Ukraine.
As Sulia Miller reviewed the finalized list of 20 candidates, she noticed that it differed significantly from what she had privately envisioned. Her boss was blatantly favoring his own people. Seven of the 20 candidates were parents or relatives of the girls from Rivne. Although these individuals had already undergone rigorous screening to make it to the initial list of 100, Sulia couldn't help but feel that this was somewhat reckless.
If someone in the U.S. were to do this, the media would tear them apart, turning them into a laughingstock.
However, in Ukraine, it might just work.
After all, Ukraine was a small country with a parliament of 450 members, the same size as the U.S. House of Representatives. With so many seats, it was inevitable that some would be filled with less-than-qualified individuals. Moreover, with such a large number of representatives, neither the media nor the public could keep track of everyone.
As for the Ukrainian media?
That was even less of a concern. The media in the Rivne region was largely under the control of the Verstov system, and most of these parliamentary seats would come from Rivne and its surrounding areas, without encroaching on other regions. If anyone dared to cause trouble, Simon was ready to deal with them.
Simon leaned back in his leather chair, reviewing the finalized list. Noticing Sulia's expression, he smiled and asked, "Do you think I'm being reckless?"
Sulia hesitated for a moment before nodding honestly.
She couldn't help but feel a bit envious.
The girls Simon had in Ukraine were indeed fortunate.
In the past, Ukrainian oligarchs had pushed their drivers, lawyers, and even family doctors into parliamentary seats as if it were a game. Simon didn't see anything wrong with doing the same now. A country that treated its politics like a game deserved representatives who were equally unserious.
With this thought, Simon swiveled his chair slightly and pulled Sulia onto his lap.
He had recently developed a habit of doing this.
Then he explained, "I'm doing this deliberately to send a message: these parliamentary seats are just puppets. They're not that important. What matters is that they work for me."
There was more he didn't say.
By promoting the relatives of those girls, who had no power base of their own, Simon ensured their loyalty to the Verstov system. In contrast, figures like Derevyanko, who already had some influence, might develop other ambitions if given more power.
Sulia Miller quietly kicked off her high heels and curled up on Simon's lap, finding a more comfortable position. She nodded slightly and couldn't help but add, "You also want to see who will jump out this time, don't you?"
"Exactly. Any piece of land, if not regularly cleared, will inevitably become overgrown with weeds," Simon said, his hand resting on Sulia's slender waist beneath her thin blouse. "I want them to understand that these so-called parliamentary seats are not theirs by right. They are gifts from me. If I don't give them, they must obey. If they resist, I will leave them with nothing."
Sulia Miller, who had always admired power, felt her body tingle at Simon's commanding words. She couldn't help but turn her head, her lips parting as she leaned in to kiss him.
Simon, however, only indulged her briefly. After a quick kiss, he gently pushed her away by the neck. "I need to say goodbye to Maria. After that, we'll head to Uliya's place."
Sulia, her face flushed, obediently nodded as Simon's hand guided her head back.
It was already evening.
Simon left the study and, guided by a maid, entered another room in the mansion. Maria was there with her daughter, Anita, each holding a baby while watching TV and chatting. The three boys were nowhere to be seen.
When Simon entered, Anita greeted him and handed the baby she was holding to him before leaving the room.
Simon carefully cradled the child, recognizing the younger one. Maria was holding Michael, Uliya's son, and was feeding him.
Simon had chosen Maria to raise the two children because of her temperament, so he wasn't surprised by the scene. He glanced at Maria, who looked slightly embarrassed, and asked, "Can you handle feeding both children?"
Maria blushed and nodded. "There's also a wet nurse, and Uliya comes often. She's... well, you know."
Simon imagined Uliya's striking figure but said, "It's fine for her to come and feed the children, but as they grow older, you should take charge of their upbringing. Don't let them spend too much time with Uliya."
Maria couldn't help but defend her. "Uliya is actually a good person."
"I don't have time to understand that. I only care about results."
Results?
Maria was momentarily confused before she understood.
Yes.
The result was that her four children were well-behaved, while Uliya had sent her two children, who wanted to stay in the U.S., back to Ukraine. Maria would never have done such a thing.
In that sense, Simon's decision made sense.
Perhaps feeling uncomfortable in Simon's arms, the baby in his lap began to fuss and soon started crying.
Simon tried rocking the child to sleep, but the crying only intensified.
Maria called for help while trying to place the baby she was holding on the nearby sofa. However, the other baby, whose feeding had been interrupted, also started wailing. Maria had no choice but to hold onto both.
Soon, a neatly dressed, homely-looking maid entered the room.
She was clearly a Slavic woman.
The maid glanced at Maria for confirmation before nervously approaching Simon. She took the baby from him, sat down, and after checking that the child didn't need a diaper change, lifted her shirt and began breastfeeding.
Simon waited until both children had calmed down. Ignoring the maid, who was blushing and occasionally glancing at him while breastfeeding, he said to Maria, "I should go. I'll visit again soon."
Maria tried to stand up, but Simon gently pressed her back down. She obediently stayed seated and bid him farewell.
She felt a bit reluctant but was gradually getting used to it.
With so many children around, she didn't feel lonely even without Simon.
After saying goodbye to Maria, Simon didn't leave Boston. Instead, he took Sulia to Uliya's place and spent the night there.
The next day was August 11th.
Monday.
A new week began, and many people's attention remained focused on the ongoing Asian financial crisis.
On August 6th, following the Thai baht, Malaysia had also been forced to abandon its fixed exchange rate, marking the international speculators' second major victory. After the Malaysian ringgit fell, the currencies of Indonesia, the Philippines, and other countries began to teeter on the brink.
The crisis sent shockwaves through the stock and bond markets across Asia, with the impact increasingly felt in North America and Europe.
However, Simon knew that this was not yet the peak of the financial storm.
If history remained unchanged, the storm would reach its zenith in October.
In his memory, the 1997 Asian financial crisis had peaked in October, triggering the first-ever trading halt in U.S. stock markets since the 1987 crash.
While international speculators were wreaking havoc, Western governments and institutions, under the guise of righteousness, condemned the attacks on Asian currencies while launching rescue efforts through organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
It was like an army pillaging a village, while medics from the same army provided aid to the victims.
The scene was filled with international love and peace.
Amid the turmoil, the Verstov system continued its strategic maneuvers.
On Monday, after returning to New York, Simon focused on one of the key aspects of his recent plans: a semiconductor foundry in Taiwan.
TSMC.
At this time, the semiconductor industry was still dominated by integrated design and manufacturing (IDM) companies, and TSMC was far from its future peak. Simon recalled that the New Taiwan dollar would also collapse around October, and with the worsening economic situation in Asia, this was the perfect time for the Verstov system to make its move.
TSMC's stock was listed in both Taiwan and the U.S. Although the stock price hadn't yet hit its lowest point, it was already a good time to start buying.
Additionally, just as Simon had directed Nokia, ThinkPad, and other Verstov tech companies to exploit South Korean conglomerates, TSMC wouldn't be spared either. However, compared to South Korea, the Verstov system's orders for TSMC were relatively limited. After all, TSMC was still far from its future dominance in terms of scale and technology.
TSMC's rise was also tied to the financial crisis.
The 1997 Asian financial crisis had long-term effects on many industries, including the semiconductor sector. Many Japanese, South Korean, and even European and American semiconductor companies went bankrupt during the crisis. Later, to cut costs, more and more semiconductor firms began outsourcing production, ultimately leading to TSMC's rise as a giant.
Simon didn't aim for absolute control of TSMC. His plan was to acquire around 30% of the shares and corresponding voting rights.
After all, semiconductor manufacturing was a high-tech industry, and meddling too much would be counterproductive.
Simon wouldn't make that mistake.
Given that TSMC had been continuously raising funds over the years, its shareholding structure was already quite dispersed. Acquiring 30% of the shares would give Simon decisive influence.
There was no need to aim for more.
Simon was no longer focused on making more money. Instead, he prioritized converting the Verstov system's capital into control over various industries. Using the least amount of capital to gain the most influence was his goal.
Beyond the financial crisis, the North American summer box office was also in full swing.
After an unexpected opening weekend of $29.13 million, Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon saw its screen count increase significantly in its third week, from 1,863 to 2,315 screens. Thanks to the film's growing popularity, its box office drop was only 17%, earning another $24.16 million from August 8th to August 14th.
In just three weeks, this $15 million Chinese martial arts film had grossed over $60.83 million in North America.
Despite the recent surge in interest in martial arts films, a purely Chinese-language wuxia movie with no Western elements, made on a modest budget, had already earned over $60 million in three weeks and showed potential to cross the $100 million mark. This achievement left many in the industry stunned.
Meanwhile, in the U.K., The Full Monty was also making waves.
With the prestige of the Cannes Palme d'Or, The Full Monty opened on August 8th in the U.K. on 503 screens. The film's unexpected subject matter sparked a media frenzy, and during its opening week from August 8th to August 14th, this low-budget film, made for just £2 million, earned £8.16 million, equivalent to $12.51 million.
While the U.K. film market was significant in Europe, it couldn't compare to North America.
With The Full Monty's modest scale, an opening week of £8.16 million was nearly miraculous. Even Independence Day, which had opened in the U.K. in July on over 800 screens, had only earned £8.68 million in its first week.
Now, a £2 million film was almost matching the opening week of a blockbuster like Independence Day. How could this not be surprising?
Thus, in what was usually a quiet period at the end of the summer box office season, the media's hype propelled Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon and The Full Monty into the spotlight.
Despite their relatively small scale, both films' weekly earnings and projected total box office were far from matching blockbusters like Twister or Independence Day. Yet, inexplicably, they had created a cultural phenomenon, with many people eagerly following every update about the two films.
Upon closer examination, this phenomenon was easy to understand.
Western society admired underdog stories, and the public loved to see small players achieve big dreams.
While films like Twister and Independence Day, with their $100 million budgets, were expected to succeed, Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon and The Full Monty, with their modest budgets of $15 million and £2 million respectively, were achieving box office results far beyond their weight class. This narrative of the underdog rising to the top naturally resonated with the average person.
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